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      德里2041新發展——自下而上的城市規劃第1張圖片
      從賈瑪清真寺俯瞰德里 / View of Delhi from Jama Masjid. Pic: Ryan/Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

      德里的2041年總體規劃,是時候自下而上重新思考城市規劃了
      As Delhi works on Master Plan 2041, time to rethink city plans from the bottom up

      由專筑網亞森君,小R編譯

      城市,無論是過去還是現在,通常都根據其統治者的意愿創建。特別是印度,歷經朝代和帝國的興衰變化,“統治者”意愿的特征尤其明顯。然而,在所有為人民而建的宏偉建筑中,城市肌理——這一城市結構卻反映了人民的自發智慧。

      雖然城市規劃的概念可以追溯到印度河流域、埃及和美索不達米亞文明等古代文明時代,但現代城市的規模卻遠超過去、空前龐大。迅速激增的人口、不斷增加的城市密度,無不體現出當前亟需富有遠見的城市規劃方案,以規劃現代城市空間布局。

      印度獨立后,其主要城市開始編制城市總體規劃,有計劃地指導城市發展和增長。事實上,德里發展局(DDA)目前發布了德里未來20年的總體規劃草案,德里市民必須理解草案及其內容,并進一步參與其中,從而更好的將總體規劃變為“人民的規劃”。


      什么是城市總體規劃?

      20世紀50年代,印度各州開始采用《城鎮和鄉村規劃法案》(TCPA),該法案是基于英國類似的規劃法案制定!冻擎偤袜l村規劃法案》(TCPA)規定,各州、市的發展部門或法定機構可根據其自身情況進行組建,目的是以城市規劃和發展為目標。德里發展管理局(DDA)是根據《德里發展法案》,于1957年在印度成立的首個地方發展管理局,其設立初衷是營造健康的生活環境。長期以來,印度的總體規劃一直被視為是通過分析現有情況,預測未來人口和相關基礎設施需求,編制土地利用計劃和發展控制條例以指導城市增長和發展的官方規劃工具。


      誰負責編制德里城市總體規劃?

      就德里而言,根據1957年《德里發展法案》第7條,德里發展管理局負責制定德里城市總體規劃。根據《德里發展法案》第11-A條要求,總體規劃每20年更新一次,每次修改和完善后,需經由中央政府進一步批準。同時,《德里發展法案》第12條還賦予德里發展管理局授權開發指定土地的權利。

      到目前為止,德里發展管理局已經制定了三個總體規劃《總體規劃1962》、《總體規劃2001》、《總體規劃2021》,我們即將看到德里的第四個城市總體規劃,《總體規劃2041》。


      總體規劃的主要內容是什么?

      總體規劃包含對城市、預計人口、未來發展區的展望,通過配合發展控制條例、賦予土地用途指引(即,不同土地面積對應不同利用開發),最后指明特定部門的政策方向,涉及生態、城市經濟、住房、社會和物質基礎設施以及交通等領域。

      Cities, past and present, have been often created in the image of its rulers. Indian cities, in particular, have been witness to the rise and fall of dynasties and empires, reflected in their ever shifting character. However, amongst all its grand constructions for the people, there exists within the urban fabric a continuous patchwork of creations by the people.
      While the concept of a planned city traces its roots to ancient civilisations like the Indus Valley, Egyptian and Mesopotamian civilisations, the scale of modern cities is unprecedented. Burgeoning populations and rising densities created the need for a visionary document to chart out the spatial layout of the city.
      In the post-independence era, major Indian cities began the preparation of Master Plans with the objective to guide planned development and growth. In fact, the Delhi Development Authority (DDA) is currently in the process of publishing the draft Master Plan for Delhi, envisioning the next 20 years and it is important for citizens of Delhi to understand the document, its contents and how one can further engage in making the Master Plan a people’s document.

      What is a Master Plan?
      In the 1950s, Indian states began to adopt Town and Country Planning Acts (TCPA), largely based on similar planning acts in the UK. As an outcome of the TCPA, Development Authorities or Statutory Bodies were formed under their own acts, with the objective of city planning and development. The Delhi Development Authority (DDA) was the first such development authority to be set up in India in 1957 under the DDA Act, with its initial objective of creating healthy living environments. Master Plans in India have long been viewed as a formal tool for guiding the growth and development of cities through the preparation of existing situation analysis, future population projections and related infrastructure demand, land use plans and development control regulations.

      Who is in charge of making the Delhi Master Plan?
      In Delhi’s case, the Delhi Development Authority is responsible for preparation of the master plan as per Section 7 of the DDA Act 1957. The Master Plan is updated every 20 years as per Section 11-A, which mandates modifications to the Plan and further approval by the Central Government. Section 12 of the DDA act gives DDA authority for Development of notified lands.
      DDA has so far prepared three master plans (MPD 1962, MPD 2001 and MPD 2021) and we are about to see the city’s 4th master plan, MPD 2041.

      What are the broad contents of a Master Plan?
      The Master Plan contains a vision for the city, projected populations, future development areas through assignment of land uses attached to development control regulations ( that is, how much you can build on what plot size etc) and finally sector-specific policy directions — pertaining to Ecology, Urban Economy, Shelter, Social & Physical Infrastructure and Mobility.

      德里2041新發展——自下而上的城市規劃第2張圖片
      代表性圖像(德里 Vaishali 的住宅區。圖片:Nikhil B/Wikimedia Commons(CC BY-SA 4.0)/ Representational image (Residential area in Vaishali, Delhi. Pic: Nikhil B/Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0)

      總體規劃是否真的對指導城市有計劃的發展起作用?

      技術專家和研究人員發現,大多數總體規劃都缺乏引導城市發展的作用,這是因為它們無法系統地、全局性地控制城市擴張,或者職住關系無法像既定規劃那樣發展。城市是動態的實體,目前的規劃工具,尚未跟上我們迅速發展的城市體系的步伐。

      印度總體規劃失敗的另一個根本原因是,總體規劃編制過程缺乏民眾參與。過去,無論公眾參與了多少,這一“參與”本質上都只是象征性的。然而目前,規劃者和城市管理者已經承認了這一缺陷,并且正認真努力地促使城市規劃更具包容性。

      在進行《總體規劃2041》的籌備過程中,舉行了多場公眾咨詢會議,并廣泛邀請各利益相關方參與其中,包括區域機構、各個市場商會、房地產團體、學科專家、專業機構、青少年、殘疾人士等。這些咨詢幫助德里發展管理局了解了現有的地方層面的問題,并收集了來自不同利益相關者的5000多個愿景陳述,這是開啟《總體規劃2041》的關鍵步驟。


      普通公民的愿景是否反映在總體規劃中?

      從一開始,總體規劃就主要涉及土地及其利用。從歷史上看,這導致城市總體規劃將重點放在少數土地所有者/房地產集團的愿望上,而不是大多數移民人口的需求,這些人在城市中有著模糊的利益關系。由此可見,發展主管部門、顧問、各個城市利益相關者、公民團體和學術界之間的分歧明顯。豐富多樣的城市觀點,經常導致各種意識形態沖突和爭斗。


      在試圖達成集體共識時會發生哪些沖突,比如?

      在孟買,當阿雷殖民地(即城市綠肺)被劃為開發地帶時,環保人士、社區領袖和市民走上街頭抗議,而房地產游說團體則支持這一舉措。

      在班加羅爾,班加羅爾發展管理局對該城市進行規劃的權威受到了質疑,因為公民活動家認為,根據第74條憲法修正案,城市規劃是城市規劃委員會(MPC)受命進行的工作。這些例子凸顯了規劃框架中出現的權力斗爭,以及在形成集體共識時精英主義的盛行;但從某種意義上說,盡管受到一定限制,但這本身就是一種參與方式。

      在大多數情況下,公眾會議也會將城市中不同公民群體之間存在的發展愿景沖突擺到最前線。例如,在班加羅爾,居住在市中心的居民更喜歡限制城市的發展,而生活在城市邊緣的農民則喜歡城市的進一步擴張。

      在舊德里,由于日益擁擠,RWAs希望限制進一步商業化,而市場交易商協會則希望改善基礎設施,以加速商業增長。這些實例旨在突出城市規劃者在幫助實現集體受益的愿景時所面臨的支離破碎和缺乏妥協的情況。

      作為回應,如今城市規劃師的角色已經從僅僅準備技術上可靠的文件,演變為必須以包容性的方法幫助解決此類沖突,而不受任何政治議程的影響。因此,我們將城市規劃者視為政府與公民之間的談判者,而不僅僅是技術官僚。


      城市總體規劃參與的深度?

      在《總體規劃2041》的項目籌備過程中舉行的公眾參與會議的經驗表明,發展當局和公民之間缺乏信任,這使得只有在城市中擁有大量股份的公民才能參與總規議題。此外,市政府在制定總體規劃時可能無法與眾多公民團體接觸。因此,持續參與,是解決新出現的沖突、就采取的辦法達成更廣泛共識的關鍵。

      此外,可以通過利用信息和通信技術 (ICT) 來吸引更廣泛的公民參與規劃。政府必須對數字平臺投資,公民可以定期參與并共同創造解決困擾他們社區的棘手問題的方案。

      在公眾參與會議上,我們也注意到市民反映了日常問題(如住宅垃圾收集不規范或所在地區缺乏路邊停車位等),然而,目前的總體規劃可能無法直接解決這些問題。為了解決這一缺陷,必須促進地方形式的分散治理,并進一步使規劃過程民主化。


      為什么地方治理很重要?

      像德里這樣的大城市,仍然需要與各種各樣的權力機構和利益相關者打交道,他們代表著州和聯邦利益的利益。根據第74條憲法修正案的規定,需要成立一個委員會,負責大都市規模的發展規劃,而在分區一級成立的委員會將編制一份地方規劃。

      諸如1998年印度城市發展部長的通知,免除德里受第74條修正案的約束,并保留與印度內政部一起規劃和發展的權力,這進一步剝奪了當地參與者參與民主進程的合法性。

      在2019新型冠狀病毒(COVID-19)傳播期間,“地方”的重要性尤其凸顯出來。個體企業把機動人力車和出租車變成了救護車,自行車被用來運送氧氣瓶,家庭被變成了醫院病房,RWAs和公寓協會聯合起來,通過供應膳食等方式幫助社區內的災民。達拉維應對不斷增多的病例的故事,展示了社區自律機制在加強地方當局解決問題能力方面功效的有力助益。

      Have Master Plans really worked in guiding planned growth in our cities?
      Technical experts and researchers find most master plans lacking, due to their inability to control urban sprawl through systematic enforcement of development controls, or to sufficiently validate the informal nature of work and housing in cities. Cities are dynamic entities and planning tools have not kept pace with our rapidly evolving urban systems.
      Another fundamental reason for the failure of master planning in India has been the lack of people’s participation in the plan making process itself. Whatever little public participation has taken place has been largely tokenistic in nature. However, there is an acknowledgement of this gap by planners and city managers and serious efforts are being taken to make city planning more inclusive.
      A number of public consultation meetings were held during the preparation process of MPD 2041, engaging a wide range of stakeholders which included RWAs, Market Trader Associations, Real Estate Groups, Subject Experts, Professional Bodies, Youth, Persons with Disability. These consultations helped DDA understand the existing local level issues as well as collect over 5000 vision statements from various stakeholders which was a key input to MPD 2041.

      Does a common citizen’s vision get reflected in the master plan?
      From its inception, master plans have been primarily concerned with land and its utilisation. This has historically led city master plans to focus on the aspirations of minority landowners / real estate groups, rather than the needs of the majority of its migrant populations, who have ill-defined stakes in the city. From this has emerged clear gaps between the visions of development authorities, consultants, various city stakeholders, citizen groups and academia. This rich diversity of visions for the city have often led to various ideological conflicts and contests.

      What are some examples of conflicts that arise in trying to arrive at a collective vision?
      In Mumbai, when Aarey Colony i.e. the green lungs of the city, was being marked for development, environmental activists, community leaders and citizens took to the streets in protest, whereas real estate lobbies favoured this move.
      In Bangalore, the very authority of the BDA to plan for the city was questioned as civic activists argued that it was the mandate of the Metropolitan Planning Committee (MPC) to do so, as per the 74th constitutional amendment. These examples highlight the emerging power struggles within the planning framework and the prevalence of elite capture when developing a collective vision; that, in a sense, is a form of participation itself, although in a limited way.
      Most times public meetings also bring to the forefront the existing conflicts in visions for development among different citizen groups in the city. For example, in Bangalore, residents of the city centre prefer limiting the growth of the city while the farmers living in the urban periphery prefer the city to expand further.
      In Old Delhi, while RWAs wish to restrict further commercialisation due to rising congestion, Market Trader Associations desire improvements in infrastructure to accelerate commercial growth. These instances seek to highlight the fragmentation and lack of compromise city planners face in helping achieve a collectively beneficial vision.
      In response, the role of a city planner today has evolved from one in which he merely prepares technically sound documents, to one where he must help resolve such conflicts with inclusive approaches, independent of any political agenda. Thus we see city planners as negotiators between the government and citizenry rather than just technocrats.

      How much participation is enough participation in city planning?
      Experience from public participation meetings held during the preparation process of MPD 2041 yields that there exists a lack of trust between development authorities and citizens, which has limited participation to citizens who only have large stakes in the city. Also, it may not be possible for city governments to engage with a multitude of citizen groups while preparing a master plan. Thus continuous participation is the key to resolving emerging conflicts and achieving larger consensus towards adopted approaches.
      This can be achieved by leveraging Information and Communication Technology (ICT) to garner wider citizen participation in planning. It is imperative for governments to invest in digital platforms, where citizens can regularly engage and co-create solutions to wicked problems that plague their neighbourhoods.
      During public participation meetings, we also noticed that citizens echoed everyday problems (like irregularity of residential garbage collection or lack of on-street parking within their area), which the Master Plan in its current form may not be able to resolve directly. In order to address this lacuna, it is imperative that local forms of decentralised governance is promoted and we further democratise the process of planning.

      Why is local governance important?
      Big cities like Delhi continue to deal with a plethora of authorities and stakeholders working at various levels, representing both state and federal interests. As per mandates of the 74th constitutional amendment, a committee needs to be formed that would be responsible for development planning at the metropolitan scale while formation of committees at the ward level would prepare a local area plan.
      Actions like the 1998 notification by the Union Minister for Urban Development, exempting Delhi from the 74th Amendment and retaining the power to plan and develop with the Union Ministry of Home Affairs, further delegitimize the involvement of local actors in what should ideally be a democratic process.
      The importance of the ‘local’ has especially come to the forefront during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. People’s personal enterprise has turned auto rickshaws and taxis into ambulances, bikes have been used to transport oxygen cylinders, homes have turned into hospital wards, RWAs and Apartments Associations have come together to help those affected within their neighbourhood through the supply of meals etc. Stories from Dharavi’s response to rising cases showcase a shining example of the efficacy of community self-regulatory mechanisms in strengthening the local authority’s ability to tackle issues.

      德里2041新發展——自下而上的城市規劃第3張圖片
      RWA 和公寓協會在許多城市聚集在一起,以幫助在 COVID 期間受到影響的社區 / RWAs and Apartments Associations came together in many cities to help those affected within their neighbourhood during COVID. Pic: Mahesh V

      能否將地方規劃制度化,從而解決我們復雜的城市問題?

      盡管自15年前《總體規劃2021》中就提到過地方規劃,圍繞地方規劃的爭論也一直存在,但就其正規化而言,地方規劃的效力有限。實現這一目標的一種方法是修訂《德里市政法案》,賦予選區及其選舉代表更大的權力來編制地方規劃。

      地方規劃可以解決諸如創建開放/公共空間、提供社會基礎設施、管理固體廢料、在地方層面采用可持續基礎設施服務(廢水再利用/采用可再生能源等)的問題。

      地方規劃的成效將取決于:

      ● 誰在籌備該規劃?(是否選出代表)
      ● 該規劃的目標是什么?它如何與城市總體規劃的更大愿景相吻合?
      ● 在籌備過程中有哪些參與者——這個過程的包容性有多大?
      ● 足夠的技術知識
      ● 為執行該計劃的項目等而分配的預算

      否則,當前形式的地方規劃很容易被精英占領,并且很容易失敗。這是對德里市民的號召,讓他們積極參與城市規劃,創造出可以表達自己意見和影響城市發展的領域。

      Can local area plans be institutionalised, and thereby address our complex urban issues?
      While debates around local area plans have been happening since its mention in the MPD 2021 close to 15 years ago, there has been limited on-ground traction in terms of its formalisation. One way of achieving this could be through the amendment of the Delhi Municipality Act, giving greater powers to wards and its elected representatives to prepare Local Area Plans.
      Local Area Plans can address creation of open/public space, provisioning of social infrastructure, management of solid waste, adoption of sustainable infrastructure services at the local level (waste water reuse/ renewable energy adoption etc).

      The effectiveness of local area plans will depend on:
      ● Who is preparing the plan? (elected representatives or not)
      ● What is the objective of the plan and how does it dovetail with the larger vision of the City Master Plan?
      ● Who are the actors involved in the process of its preparation- how inclusive is the process?
      ● Sufficiency of technical know-how
      ● Allocation of a budget attached towards the implementation of the plan’s projects etc.

      If not, local area planning in its current form is vulnerable to elite capture and can easily fail. This is a call to citizens of Delhi, to engage actively in the planning of the city and create domains where one can voice your opinions and influence the city’s development.

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